Seven Minutes To Lose Power, Now He Wants The Presidency: Is Hassan Ali Khaire Fit To Lead Somalia?

MOGADISHU — As Somalia navigates a severe constitutional crisis following the Supreme Court’s rejection of active term extensions, the political theater in Mogadishu is once again crowded with familiar faces. Among them is former Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire, who has spent the last several weeks fiercely projecting himself as the ultimate savior of Somali democracy.

Khaire’s primary asset has always been his formidable rolodex of foreign contacts. To Western diplomats, the World Bank, and international NGOs, he represents the quintessential technocrat—polished, corporate-trained, and well-versed in the language of fiscal accountability.

Yet, as any seasoned observer of Somali politics understands, this international aura is masking a deeply flawed, politically untenable candidacy. In our intricate political architecture, there is a fundamental truth that Khaire continues to ignore: The international community can give you millions in funding, they can host you at high-level forums in Nairobi and London, but they cannot give you the keys to Villa Somalia.

More importantly, a cold look at his administrative history reveals a far more serious problem than his reliance on foreigners. Hassan Ali Khaire cannot be the president of Somalia because he has repeatedly proven himself incapable of managing the complex, consensus-driven realities of Somali leadership, leaving behind a trail of broken agreements and unpaid debts.

A Pattern of Unkept Promises and Financial Neglect

To lead a fragile nation recovering from decades of conflict, a president’s word must be his absolute bond. Governance in Mogadishu relies heavily on trust between the executive branch, clan elders, business communities, and political partners. In these exact arenas, Khaire’s record is entirely broken.

A glaring example of this reliability deficit has recently emerged from the local media landscape itself. A source told Somali Magazine that multiple media platforms and communications agencies contracted to run his previous electoral campaign materials have faced a shocking lack of professional integrity from his team.

According to the source, despite delivering extensive public relations services, digital campaigns, and media coverage five years ago, these local platforms have still not received their agreed-upon payments from Khaire’s camp. The source noted that repeated attempts by these local outlets to secure their rightful compensation have been met with silence and evasion.

This is not merely a minor bookkeeping dispute; it is a direct window into his character and leadership style. If a presidential candidate cannot settle basic contractual obligations with the local businesses that helped build his public image after half a decade, how can traditional elders, regional leaders, and international partners trust him to honor high-stakes constitutional agreements? A leader who abandons his financial debts to ordinary Somali professionals cannot be trusted with the national treasury.

Inability to Maintain Power: The Seven-Minute Collapse

Khaire’s incapability as an executive leader is best documented by how his own time in power ended. In July 2020, it took the Somali Federal Parliament exactly seven minutes to strip him of his premiership in a historic no-confidence vote.

That session was not a random political anomaly; it was the inevitable collapse of a leader who proved utterly incapable of managing a governing coalition. Despite holding the immense power and financial leverage of the prime minister’s office, Khaire managed to alienate parliament, fracture his relationship with then-President Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmaajo” Mohamed, and leave the country without a viable electoral framework. If he could not hold onto the prime minister’s seat when he had the entire state apparatus behind him, he lacks the political skill required to survive the presidency.

Alienating the Federal Member States

Furthermore, Khaire’s current campaign relies heavily on historical revisionism. He travels internationally, claiming he is a defender of the constitution and regional autonomy against the current administration.

However, the domestic reality of his “Nabad iyo Nolol” (Peace and Life) era tells a very different story. Under his watch, the federal government systematically attempted to dismantle the autonomy of Federal Member States, clashing bitterly with leaders in Puntland and Jubaland and sparking severe political instability. Local power brokers remember his heavy-handed centralism all too well. His sudden rebrand as a champion of federalism is viewed across the regions as pure, desperate opportunism.

The Verdict for Somalia

Somalia is at a delicate democratic crossroads, requiring a healer and a consensus-builder who commands deep domestic trust. Hassan Ali Khaire—a man who lost his seat in seven minutes, who stands accused by local media operators of abandoning his debts for five years, and who consistently fails to keep his promises—is fundamentally incapable of providing that leadership.

Villa Somalia is not a corporate subsidiary to be managed by international dictate, nor is it a place for leaders who treat local agreements as disposable. Somalia needs a president who respects his people enough to honor his word, pay his debts, and unite the nation—standards that Hassan Ali Khaire has repeatedly failed to meet.

By: Ridwan Yusuf

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